These Tax Policies Are Ripe for Change in 2025

Features December 13, 2024 at 04:54 PM
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What You Need To Know

  • The incoming president has promised almost $8 trillion in tax cuts and $5 trillion in offsets.
  • It will be challenging to enact such policies without dramatically expanding the deficit, according to two tax experts.
  • Assessing the pros and cons of different policies is essential as the tax debate unfolds in 2025.
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President-elect Donald Trump and the Republican majority set to take control of Congress next year will have tough choices to make when it comes to setting promised tax policies without dramatically worsening the federal budget deficit.

This was the conclusion drawn by Robert Bloink and William H. Byrnes, the primary authors behind Tax Facts, during a webcast discussion Wednesday.

The professors, who analyze and debate key tax policies expected to affect wealth managers and their clients, looked closely at various tax policies that are ripe for change — whether to fullfill Trump's campaign promises or to raise revenue to pay for promised tax cuts elsewhere.

One of Trump's top stated priorities will be making permanent the expiring tax cuts under the 2017 tax overhaul. The incoming president has also proposed several additional tax cuts, Bloink and Byrnes explained. The promises may have helped get him elected, but they are also likely going to complicate the debate over how to balance tax cuts and fiscal responsibility.

Altogether, Trump has promised almost $8 trillion in tax cuts and $5 trillion in offsets, potentially adding at least $3 trillion to deficits over 10 years — assuming that no other policy changes are made.

Many wealth managers and clients find themselves in a wait-and-see mode, the professors explained. What is certain at this point is a serious tax-policy debate early in 2025.

Lifting the SALT Cap

While proposing to make most of the 2017 tax changes permanent, Trump has backed eliminating the $10,000 cap on the deduction for state and local taxes — the so-called “SALT cap.”

As the professors noted, the estimated 10-year cost of such an action would be $1.2 trillion, in addition to the $3.2 trillion to make the tax cuts permanent.

“The SALT cap is one of the more controversial aspects of the 2017 tax reform legislation,” Byrnes said. “The cap on state and local tax deductions blatantly favors taxpayers living in low-tax, generally red states, at the expense of taxpayers in higher and moderate tax states.”

Since the tax overhaul was passed, the SALT cap has represented a significantly increasing inequality between taxpayers living in low-tax and high-tax states. Some Republican House incumbents in blue states partly blame the cap for the loss of their seats.

Notably, House Republicans are entering the next Congress with 220 seats, leaving just two votes to spare to still obtain a 218 voting majority to pass a tax bill using budget reconciliation. Potentially, removing the SALT cap would obtain buy-in from the few remaining elected Republicans in generally high-tax blue states. There are, by the professors’ count, nine in California, seven in New York and three in New Jersey.

Bloink warned that removing the SALT cap would significantly reduce the economic gains that Trump projects through proposals to make permanent certain other aspects of the 2017 tax overhaul.

“When it comes to revenue-raising initiatives, we can’t really have it both ways,” he said. “If we want to eliminate the SALT cap entirely, we have to question the viability of maintaining the tax cuts Trump handed to the wealthiest Americans back in 2017.”

Another important consideration, according to Byrnes, is that the SALT deduction includes property taxes that have dramatically increased since Trump’s first term. Home values have surged by 40% on average across the United States. In Austin, Texas, in one red state example, they’re up nearly 90%.

Allowing the full deduction for state and local taxes paid would conceivably limit taxpayers being forced out of their homes because of rising values and related rising property taxes. But it would be costly.

Should the 199A ‘Loophole’ Expire?

With Section 199A of the 2017 tax legislation, a pass-through business entity is entitled to deduct 20% of qualified business income. This generally excludes service business income, although service businesses with income that falls below the annual threshold levels also qualify for the deduction.

As the professors explained, this policy has essentially leveled the playing field between corporations and pass-through entities. That is, when the corporate tax rate was cut to 21%, business owners would have been making the choice between the potential 37% tax rate for pass-throughs and the much lower 21% corporate tax rate.

“The 20% QBI deduction has ended up offering yet another tax loophole for the wealthy,” Bloink said. “Yes, it's beneficial for small-business owners who might otherwise have been forced into the corporate structure, but it's also given wealthy corporations yet another option for reducing their federal income tax liability.”

The rules governing the Section 199A deduction are complicated, Bloink noted, and can easily be manipulated by high-net-worth taxpayers.

“While I'm not suggesting that we allow the 199A deduction to expire entirely, 199A was never intended to be a tax loophole for the wealthiest Americans to use as they please,” he said. “Unfortunately, that’s how it’s often been used by wealthy Americans seeking to minimize their tax liability. Change is necessary to ensure the deduction is benefiting the small businesses who need protection the most.”

In the end, according to Byrnes, many small-business owners would have had to deal with the traditional corporate structure to ensure fair taxation were it not for Section 199A of the 2017 legislation.

“Section 199A is important because it essentially works to level the playing field, at least from a pure tax perspective, between traditional C corporations and pass-through entities,” he argued. “The law already contains built-in income thresholds designed to prevent abuse.”

The Historically High Estate Tax Exemption

When it comes to the renewal of the current estate tax exemption — $13.99 million or $27.98 million per married couple) for 2025 — the professors were again split in their interpretation.

As Byrnes emphasized, a larger estate tax exemption encourages Americans to save and invest in economic growth.

“When transfer tax exemption amounts are lower, saving is disincentivized because Americans are simply worried that the government is going to take that huge 40% chunk of their hard-earned savings rather than allowing wealth to flow freely to future generations,” he argued. “Taxing savings leads to less savings.”

Bloink, on the other hand, said the expanded estate tax exemption only serves to provide another “legal loophole” to allow the wealthiest Americans to avoid paying their fair share.

“Even the $5 million base amount was generous when we consider how few Americans were actually subject to the estate tax pre-TCJA,” he said. “The doubled amount merely gives the ultra-wealthy another means to avoid fair taxation.”

Bloink further argued that the expanded estate tax exemption has had a huge impact on the federal government’s revenue — and thus has contributed to massive increases in the national debt.

“Collecting fair taxes from the wealthiest Americans is the only fair way to stop this cycle where the government digs itself further into debt,” he said. “Trump’s proposals are simply not sustainable from a practical perspective. The funds have to come from somewhere, and we shouldn’t further burden ordinary Americans.”

The country shouldn’t want to penalize successful people from accumulating significant wealth, Byrnes suggested.

“We should want to encourage growth and innovation — and a large estate tax exemption does just that,” he said. “When taxpayers rest assured that their accumulations will pass to their intended beneficiaries, they’re much more likely to invest to grow businesses and invest in economic growth as a whole.”

A Higher RMD Age

In 2019, the professors recalled, Congress increased the age at which taxpayers must begin taking minimum distributions from traditional retirement accounts from 70.5 to 72 via the Setting Every Community Up for Retirement Enhancement Act. In 2022, Congress passed the Secure 2.0 Act, which increased the RMD age to 73 in 2023. For 2033 and thereafter, the age will increase from 73 to 75.

Talk of a "Secure 3.0" has been bubbling up in policy circles. What if lawmakers pushed the RMD age even higher?

According to Byrnes, such a policy would make sense, as Americans are living — and working — longer than ever before.

“Raising the age at which RMDs must begin reflects the reality of retirement in our nation,” he said. “Taxpayers should have the freedom to choose to leave their hard-earned retirement funds in their accounts while they continue working — so they aren’t burdened with additional taxable income for retirement withdrawals if they haven't actually retired yet and are still paying taxes at the same rates as during earning years.”

Bloink was more skeptical, arguing that raising the required beginning age would benefit only those Americans who can afford to leave their retirement funds in place for an additional number of years.

“It also gives ordinary Americans the idea that it’s always best to defer retirement withdrawals in all situations,” he noted. “The amount of any given retirement account owner’s RMD is based on the account value at the end of the prior year and the taxpayer’s age. That means taxpayers who delay RMDs simply because they can will be forced to take larger distributions once they are forced to start withdrawing.”

Pictured: Robert Bloink and William H. Byrnes

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