Congress May Poach Retirement Benefits to Pay for 2025 Tax Cuts

Expert Opinion December 03, 2024 at 04:03 PM
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What You Need To Know

  • With the White House and Congress under common control, buckle up for the proverbial bumpy ride.
  • President-elect Trump and his House and Senate majorities have promised tax cuts as well as major change and disruptions.
  • With intended tax reductions, Congress will be ravenous for revenue and retirement benefits will be on the table.
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The White House and both houses of Congress will soon be under common control. How will this affect the nation’s retirement system? The truth is, no one knows. But buckle up for the proverbial bumpy ride: plenty of uncertainty and a wide range of possible outcomes — including a renewed interest in expanding 401(k) "Rothification."

The president-elect and his House and Senate majorities have promised tax cuts as well as major change and disruption on many fronts. To simply re-up the individual tax rate cuts and estate tax relief enacted in the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act — most of which expire in 2025 — will drive a big legislative train through Congress, costing an estimated $4.5 trillion.

So Congress seems likely in 2025 to remain ravenous for revenue. That being the case, it will be hard for the nation’s second largest tax expenditure (retirement benefits) to escape notice entirely. For example, Congress could take a renewed interest in expanding 401(k) “Rothification.”

This reduces revenue losses in the earlier years — the budget window — by replacing pretax/traditional plan or IRA contributions with Roth contributions (which cost revenue not when contributed but only years later when distributed tax-free).

Congress could shift contributions from pretax/traditional to Roth by, for example, reducing the maximum limit on pretax contributions — unless the incoming president decides to tweet any major Rothification proposal dead in its tracks, as he did when House Republicans floated the idea in 2017.

The potential use of Rothification and other retirement-related revenue raisers (such as repealing the future age 75 beginning date for required minimum distributions or capping tax-favored retirement accumulations at a very high level) will be subject to countervailing pressures.

On the one hand, Congress has generally had a "hands-off" practice of preserving retirement-related revenue raisers solely to offset the cost of other retirement legislation. On the other hand, given enough pressure to find pay-fors, Congress could conceivably overcome its traditional restraint and “poach” on retirement-related raisers to pay for the 2025 nonretirement tax cuts.

To prevent delay by Senate filibuster or persistent amendments, the tax changes will be made by the fast-track “budget reconciliation” legislative process, which is subject to strict rules and will effectively require most of the tax cuts to be paid for by some form of revenue raising or by cutting spending.

So while some of us in recent months were busily assembling drafts of further proposals to improve the retirement system — a possible “Secure 3.0” — what matters most in Congress is that the majority is focusing elsewhere: on the tax cuts and how to pay for them.

The White House and impending congressional majority are also considering certain spending cuts. But because those probably would offset some, but not all, of the intended tax reductions, Congress seems likely in 2025 to remain ravenous for revenue.

Apart from revenue raisers, could other retirement provisions hitch a ride on the anticipated budget reconciliation and tax cut vehicle? Perhaps a few. But many plan sponsors and their recordkeepers, asset managers, and advisors are still digesting Secure 2.0 and aren’t overly keen on having to process another round of retirement changes quite so soon.

Moreover, without judicial Chevron deference to regulatory guidance, the reliable, reasonable and timely administrative guidance the retirement system needs to confidently interpret and apply new legislation may be increasingly hard to obtain.

In any event, given the need for revenue and the strict rules governing budget reconciliation (which could, among other things, preclude amendments to ERISA, as opposed to the tax code), a substantial Secure 3.0 package in 2025 is not looking likely.

Mark Iwry is a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution in Washington. He was head of national retirement policy during the Obama-Biden administration.

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